Time for a Shakeout in China's Auto Industry?

Yesterday China Bureau Chief of Automotive News, Yang Jian posted an interesting article (free registration reqd.) speculating as to possible consequences of a recent slowdown in auto sales in China.  In the first two months of 2012, auto sales decreased four percent, year-on-year – and this comes on the heels of (for China) a rather anemic 2011 in which sales only grew about 2.5% and Chinese-branded passenger vehicles gave up nearly two percentage points in market share to the foreign brands.

In short, Yang Jian's point is that, should this drop in sales become a trend that lasts through 2012, some of the weaker players in China's auto industry could be forced into bankruptcy or possibly out of business altogether.

From the perspective of China's central government, which has been begging and pleading for this heavily fragmented industry to consolidate itself for nearly three decades, this wouldn't be such a bad thing.  (Of course it would be a bad thing for the employees of those companies that went out of business.)  There are still well over 100 vehicle manufacturers operating in China (compared to only 24 in the United States), and this fragmentation prevents the industry as a whole from becoming more competitive vis-à-vis the foreign automakers.

So what is the likelihood that a decline in sales could lead to a shakeout of the weaker players?  Well, let's take a look at what happened the last time China's auto industry experienced a slowdown in sales growth.  After enjoying annual sales growth of anywhere between 14% and 37% since 2001, the onset of the Great Recession in 2008 caused China's growth rate to drop to a horrifyingly low 7%.  (Yes, the word “horrifyingly” should be interpreted sarcastically.)

I remember talking to a lot of auto industry insiders in China in the spring of 2009 when some of them lamented the fact that the much hoped-for shakeout didn't happen back then.  (And it seems like Yang Jian himself may have been among those who expressed such sentiment to me then.)

Why didn't the shakeout happen?  

The central government rode to the rescue with a far-reaching stimulus program that not only prevented another year of miserably low sales growth, but that, for the first time ever, launched China into position as the world's single largest market for automobiles in 2009.  Hence the lamentations from some of my interviewees at the time.  As Yang Jian hopes today, many of them also hoped soft sales growth would kill off some of the weaker players in 2009.

So will the central government ride to the rescue again this year? 

I think it is less likely.  With large cities in China already limiting the number of cars that can be sold and driven on their streets, and with the central government clamping down on overcapacity in the industry, AND now that China is already the number one auto market in the world (they can't go any higher), a rescue is probably not in the cards.

Does that mean a shakeout will occur? 

I wouldn't bet on that either.  Among the top-10 automakers, Chang'an, Chery and BYD each experienced sales declines in 2011, which doesn't look good for them.  Except that Chang'an is among China's “Big 4” and Chery is among China's “Small 4.”  What this means is that the central government has designated these automakers to be among those remaining after the industry consolidates.  And BYD is privately-owned (its shares are traded in Hong Kong), and, though it hasn't sold as many EVs and hybrids as it had hoped to by now, it is probably China's best chance of having an automaker who can compete in this space.

Will a shakeout then occur among the dozens of tiny, inefficient and unprofitable automakers scattered around the country? 

I think this is the best hope, but whether the downturn will be deep enough and long enough to outlast local governments' ability to prop up these firms remains to be seen.  Local governments tend to be rather fond of their automakers -- even the ones that lose money.

Book Talk at USC

Several weeks ago I gave a talk related to my forthcoming book at the University of Southern California.  Watch as I attempt to summarize four years of research and a 300-page book in less than an hour.  :)

Volvo is Geely, and Geely is Volvo

It was only a matter of time.

The privately-held Chinese automaker Geely has announced that it will be forming a joint venture with its subsidiary Volvo.  As you may remember, Geely’s owner, Li Shufu conducted a high-profile purchase of the Swedish automaker Volvo from Ford in 2010.

The concern at the time had been that Geely simply wanted to strip away Volvo’s intellectual property for itself, but Li Shufu assured observers that the two entities would remain separate: “Volvo is Volvo, and Geely is Geely.”  And indeed, the purchase was structured so that both the Hong Kong-listed Geely Motors and Volvo are both subsidiaries of a holding company controlled by Li Shufu.  (In other words, Geely doesn’t own Volvo, technically, Li Shufu does.)

So why is Geely now forming a JV with Volvo?  Because it has to in order to build cars in China.  China’s rules require that any “foreign” automaker that wants to assemble cars in China may only do so through a joint venture with a Chinese automaker, and the foreign entity may hold no more than 50 percent of the JV.  Since Volvo is still headquartered in Sweden, it is considered foreign.

The icing on the cake for China here is that, like all other foreign automakers who have sought permission from Beijing for expansion or establishment of a new venture anytime during the past two years, Volvo is also being required to “assist” Geely in building a Chinese-branded car.

Until now, this has only applied to state-owned enterprises because only state-owned enterprises had joint ventures with foreign automakers (with the exception of a small JV between BYD and Daimler to develop electric vehicles).  The assumption had been that the SOEs, which had been dragging their feet in terms of developing their own brands, would be “given” slightly out-of-date technology by their foreign partners.  They would then produce cars under a Chinese brand name using the foreign technology and designs.  (I have previously written about this phenomenon, which I refer to as "sub-brands" or “JV Brands.”)

What is interesting here is that Geely, unlike the SOEs cannot be accused of “dragging its feet” in developing Chinese brands.  Indeed, Chinese brands are all Geely has ever made!

So what does this mean for Volvo?  What it means is that Volvo will simply be handing over technology onto which will be slapped a Geely-owned Chinese brand name.

Perhaps Li Shufu would now like to change his quote to, “Volvo is Geely, and Geely is Volvo.”

GM's Kevin Wale on Innovation in China

The consulting firm McKinsey published on its website an interview with Kevin Wale, president and managing director of General Motors China.  The whole interview is worth a read if you are interested in the state of innovation in China, but here are a few of the more revealing excerpts with a little of my own commentary.

Kevin Wale: When the Chinese get an idea, they test it in the marketplace. They’re happy to do three to four rounds of commercialization to get an idea right, whereas in the West companies spend the same amount of time on research, testing, and validation before trying to take products to market.

This is both scary and admirable.  Scary, because the Chinese are, at least according to Mr Wale, willing to put products into the market before they are fully tested as a means of development.  When you think about it, this is pretty much what Apple does with its products.  The first iPhone wasn't fully ready, but it was ready enough.  Feedback from customers helped them to improve on subsequent iterations.

What's scary about this is that driving a car that has been put into the market on an experimental basis doesn't sound like something I would want to do.  If my iPhone blows up, I would probably survive.  I'm not sure I could survive my car blowing up.  While I would hope that GM is able to prevent its partner, Shanghai Auto, from putting dangerous vehicles on the market, I wonder whether other Chinese auto companies are quite as careful.

The Buick LaCrosse, partially designed in Shanghai

The Chinese system supports the idea that it’s OK to fail if you fail in a government-sponsored direction. It’s OK to make mistakes as long as you’re moving forward. They’re quite OK to get out there, do something, find out it’s not perfect, but quickly adapt it and move forward. There’s no recrimination internally for doing that if that’s the direction the country wants to move in.

It's a great thing that people feel comfortable to experiment within the boundaries set by the state, but the opposite of Mr. Wale's statement is that they do not feel comfortable experimenting outside the boundaries set by the state.  But what if a worker has an idea that's not in “the direction the country wants to move in.”?  Too bad.

This, in my view, is precisely why China will always be a step behind.  Governments have historically been quite bad at charting an unknown course in terms of picking winners and losers.  In China, true technical innovation will always have to come from outside until people feel free to make mistakes in all areas of business, not just those approved by the geniuses in Beijing.

McKinsey Quarterly: Do you source innovation from outside GM China?  Kevin Wale: The answer depends on whether you’re talking about joint ventures or GM. In our joint ventures, we’re happy to take innovation from suppliers any day of the week.

This is more interesting for what Mr Wale doesn't say.  When asked whether GM gets innovation from outside, Mr. Wale assumes the question is about whether GM sources innovation from its joint ventures in China.  From his answer, it seems pretty clear that they don't.

Let's be honest here, the technology is still only flowing in one direction, and that's from GM to its Chinese partners.  At what point will GM's partner have enough technology that it doesn't need GM anymore?

Chinese-branded cars lost market share in 2011

In early 2009 China's government released a fairly comprehensive policy for the auto industry called the "Automobile Industry Adjustment and Stimulus Plan (汽车产业调整和振兴规划)." 

Among the major targets included in this plan was for an increase in market share of China's home-grown auto brands (also known as 自主品牌). One of the targets was for Chinese-branded  passenger cars (轿车, aka, sedans) to increase domestic market share to 30 percent in three years' time (by the end of 2011).  (Up from about 26 percent at the end of 2008.)

China's auto industry enjoyed robust sales growth of 48 percent in that very year, giving the Chinese brands a 29.7 percent market share by the end of 2009.  And just in case the leaders weren't satisfied with rounding up to 30, Chinese brands achieved a 30.9 percent market share by the end of 2010.

Unfortunately, the tide turned against manufacturers of Chinese-branded cars in 2011, causing them to lose market share for the first time. Though the absolute number of Chinese-branded cars sold increased, foreign-branded car sales grew at a faster rate, dropping the domestic brands to a 29.1 percent market share -- just in time to miss the target that had been set out for them three years earlier.

And this came in a year during which luxury automakers enjoyed enviable sales growth in China: Audi-37%, BMW-37%, JaguarLandRover 61%, Cadillac-73%.

Why did Chinese cars suddenly lose market share to the foreign brands?

Did quality decline? Not at all!  In fact, Chinese brands have been closing the quality perception gap with the foreign automakers.

What happened was that another provision in the "Adjustment and Stimulus Plan" of 2009 distorted sales growth in 2009 and 2010.  The plan included a 50 percent cut in auto sales taxes for vehicles with engine sizes of 1.6 liters or less -- in other words, small cars.

The stimulus really worked! In 2009 sales of cars in the 1.6 liter and below segment grew 71 percent while sales in all other passenger car segments grew by "only" 23 percent. And the beauty of this stimulus plan was that, at the time of its introduction, fully 85 percent of the market for 1.6 liter and under cars was occupied by Chinese brands.  This was none other than a plan to stimulate sales of Chinese brands.

The stimulus also worked in 2010, but it was later halved to only a 25 percent sales tax cut, and then, by the end of 2010, the stimulus was lifted completely -- resulting in disappointing performance in 2011.

Of course, we can't blame it all on lifting of the stimulus because, once the stimulus was enacted in 2009, foreign automakers scrambled to enter the 1.6 liter and below segment as quickly as possible.

Still, this does illustrate well the distorting effects of government schemes on markets. And it is somewhat ironic that the same plan that brought such growth in 2009, took it away once the stimulus provision was allowed to expire.

GM Wants its 1% back. Good luck.

GM announced yesterday (again) that it wants to repurchase a one percent stake in its joint venture with Shanghai Auto (SAIC) that it sold for a handful of magic beans a few years ago.

Back in December of 2009, GM and SAIC announced a major change to their partnership which involved GM selling one percent of the SAIC-GM joint venture (JV) to SAIC for $85 million.  This announcement also included details on a new Hong Kong-registered joint venture through which GM and SAIC would partner to conduct business in other countries, primarily India.

The net result was that GM and SAIC were no longer 50:50 owners in the main China JV.  With the one percent transfer, SAIC became the majority owner with a 51 percent stake.  On paper at least, GM had been reduced to the role of junior partner.

At the time, GM management explained that the purpose of the one percent transfer was in consideration of some future help from SAIC.  And though it wasn't explicitly stated, GM statements sort of hinted that SAIC's help may come in the form of help with future funding.

Early speculation was that GM needed the money.  And since GM had emerged from bankruptcy only a few months earlier, that seemed to make sense, except that, in the whole scheme of things, $85 million didn't really seem like a lot of money.  At year-end 2009, the company had over $14 billion in cash on its balance sheet, so it wasn't cash poor.  And with a current ratio (current assets/current liabilities) of 1.13, it wasn't facing an impending liquidity crisis.

Since I happened to be in Shanghai only a few weeks after this announcement was made, and since I was fortunate enough to land an interview with a senior SAIC executive who was integral to the negotiations with GM, I asked the SAIC executive to explain why GM would give up any leverage it had over the JV for a measly $85 million.  His explanation made a little more sense.

In short, SAIC wanted to be able to consolidate the top-line revenues of the JV into its parent company income statement, and under accounting rules, it could only do this if it owned more than 50 percent of the company.  Chinese companies were (and are) under a great deal of pressure from Beijing to move up in the rankings of the Global Fortune 500, and since the Fortune list looks at sales, not profits, SAIC needed to make its sales number bigger.

Does this sound ridiculous?  It did to me too.  But it's also the truth, as this particular executive, on two different occasions, emphasized to me the importance of moving up the list of the Fortune 500.

So what did GM get for handing over control?  According to the SAIC executive, GM wanted desperately to continue expanding its global footprint, but was facing two hurdles.  First, as GM had recently exited bankruptcy, the terms it could receive on bank lending were highly unfavorable.  Second, still being majority owned by the taxpayers of the US, GM was restricted in its ability to fund any activity that didn't somehow create American jobs or shore up the US-side of its business.

And this is where SAIC came in.  Through this partnership, SAIC, with its stellar credit rating, not to mention being a major state-owned corporation with access to favorable loan terms from both state-owned mainland banks as well as Hong Kong banks, would be able to help GM out with its funding needs overseas.

The SAIC executive did suggest that GM and SAIC could have entered into an agreement whereby the two companies would create an entirely separate sales JV to which all vehicles manufactured would be sold.  Then SAIC would own 51 percent of the sales JV, also allowing it to consolidate revenue into the parent company's income statement.  (SAIC and its other major partner, Volkswagen have a similar arrangement.)

However, this particular arrangement didn't work for GM either as, once again, GM's government minders in Washington were not interested in entering into any arrangements that didn't serve the interests of the US.

Fast-forward a couple of years, and now GM wants its one percent back.  The only way I can see this happening is if GM were to agree to set up the sales organization that SAIC had first proposed, which may be possible now that the US government is no longer a majority owner in GM (though still technically the controlling owner).

Of course, since the time of that transaction, GM has been very vocal about the importance of the China market to the company's future.  In fact, GM now sells more vehicles in China than in the US (2.6 million vehicles in China vs 2.5 million in US in 2011.)

One wonders how eager SAIC will be to give up the majority control it has enjoyed for more than two years.  Furthermore, given the importance of its China JV, GM can probably expect to pay considerably more than $85 million for the return of its one percent.

End of the Road for Foreign Automakers in China?

Last week a story emerged that China's industrial planner, the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), has announced that it will stop supporting foreign investment in its auto industry. (News stories may be found here, here and here.)


This bit from a China Daily article explains a little about why these restrictions were being put in place:

China...has removed industries from the list of those it encourages foreign companies to invest in. No longer part of that group are automakers, large coal-to-chemical operations and manufacturers of polycrystalline silicon.

"The restrictions generally apply to industries that have excessively large capacities and that pollute the environment," said Zhang Xiaoji, senior researcher at State Council's development research center. (emphasis added)

My take on this story is that the NDRC actually has no real intention of restricting foreign investment in its auto industry. To understand why this is so, one needs only a limited understanding of the history of foreign involvement in China's auto sector, which I lay out in an op-ed in today's Asian Wall Street Journal.

In short, I make the claim that:

... the NDRC's announcement is more about improving Chinese leverage in negotiations with foreign automakers so Chinese automakers can more quickly overcome their innovation deficit.

For the rest of the op-ed at the WSJ site, click here.

And for all of the stories behind the main story of business-government relations in China's auto sector, my book, Designated Drivers: How China Plans to Dominate the Global Auto Industry, will be published by Wiley and Sons this year.

Coming to a bookstore, mailbox or e-reader near you in Spring 2012. Stay tuned!

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EDIT:
I was just notified that my article was also picked up by WSJ's US op-ed page. It will run in Thursday's edition. (January 5)

Hold on to your lugnuts! It's time for a Trade War!

The Wall Street Journal is reporting today that China is preparing to levy duties on certain autos imported from the US. This would be on top of the 25 percent duties that China is still allowed to levy under its WTO commitments.

China's Ministry of Commerce said in a statement late Wednesday that it will levy antidumping and antisubsidy duties on imports from the U.S. of some vehicles with engine capacities above 2.5 liters beginning on Thursday and lasting through the next two years. ...

The ministry said several U.S. companies, including General Motors Co., Chrysler Group LLC and the U.S. arm of Honda Motor Co., engage in dumping and subsidizing. The statement said the move would also affect cars made by the U.S. arms of Mercedes-Benz and BMW AG, though it said their level of dumping was smaller.

Note that China's Commerce Ministry singled out not only the traditional US automakers GM and Chrysler, but also the US arms of Honda, Mercedes and BMW.

While China could have plausibly argued that GM and Chrysler benefit from government subsidies due to the bailouts these two companies received, they instead chose to make this about all cars with engines larger than 2.5 liters made in the US (but not in Japan or Germany!).

Does anyone think the US Congress will choose to view this as any less than an attack on the livelihoods of American workers -- and in an election year no less? Of course, Congress cannot portray themselves as innocents in all of this as Congress has already singled out China's solar panel industry for US-imposed tariffs. Then again, Congress can point to China's currency...

And on and on it goes. One thing I learned in grad school about wars (the kind in which people shoot at each other) is that it is nearly impossible to identify who started it. No matter which incident one side points to, the other side can go further back in history to identify another.

If we look at this incident only with regard to China's auto industry, it is also easy to see a kind of pattern here. Back in 2009, when China launched the stimulus heard round the world, they chose to subsidize consumer purchases of vehicles with engines smaller than 1.6 liters.

Why 1.6 liters? Because the foreign automakers that were dominating China's auto market had very little to offer in the small car segment. That subsidy was intended to boost sales of Chinese-branded cars.

Of course, the foreign automakers didn't stand still. Many of them already had small cars in the pipeline, so they got them to market faster -- just in time for China to cancel the subsidy toward the end of 2010.

Why are the import duties now focused on 2.5 liters? Because this is an area in which the foreign automakers pretty much own the market. This effort to make these imports more expensive may ideally (from China's point-of-view) accomplish two things: 1) make Chinese consumers more likely to consider a less expensive Chinese-branded car, and 2) make foreign automakers consider moving more assembly of their larger models to China.

In reality China's new tariff may not accomplish either purpose. For one, the Chinese consumers who are more interested in these larger cars (as the WSJ article points out) are less price sensitive anyway. They are already interested in these large foreign brands because they perceive them to have higher quality. In addition, because the volume of these larger cars in China is still comparatively small, it is highly doubtful that much, if any, of their production would be moved to China. (Perhaps that second one is a straw man argument.)

So what does China really stand to gain? Not much, really. In the end, China will get the trade war that it has been warning us about for years, and its home-grown automakers will still face a quality gap with their foreign partners/competitors.

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In case you're wondering where the picture at the top came from:

Finally, some good news for BYD

Last October I wrote about a situation in which BYD, the private automaker from Shenzhen, was punished for attempting to build a factory on farmland near Xi'an.

In short, BYD was fined about $435K and had seven buildings, on which it had already begun construction, confiscated and ordered destroyed. In addition 14 local officials in Shaanxi province were also punished for violating rules forbidding the use of arable land for non-farming purposes. Ouch. And this came in a tough year for BYD whose sales only grew 16 percent in 2010 (compared to China's auto industry as a whole which enjoyed 32 percent growth).

The story surfaced a few days ago that BYD was preparing to restart construction in Xi'an. According to an earlier story in the Economic Observer, the land has been "legalized" (合法化) and rezoned as industrial land. BYD was allowed to bid for the land in a public auction, and -- surprise! -- BYD won the auction. (There was no word on whether anyone else bid for the land.)

Even though BYD didn't get all of the land it had secured before, it still got most of the land, and, most conveniently, it got the part of the land on which its unfinished construction already stood. Back in October, the announcement from the Ministry of Land and Resources said BYD's buildings would have to be destroyed, but, fortunately for BYD, no one had got around to destroying them yet.

This strikes me as quite a miraculous turnabout for BYD. The problem that led to BYD's punishment was (and is) that China, despite being a huge country, has precious little of the arable land it needs to feed 1.3 billion people. The central government has recently become quite serious about preserving arable land.

But not that serious apparently.

In the months following BYD's punishment last October, Local officials in Xi'an had begun to complain that they had been deprived of a major source of local income -- sales of land use rights. The Economic Observer quoted a local official as saying that Shaanxi's annual demand for industrial land is running at about 400,000 mu (67,000 acres) per year, but they are only able to supply about 150,000 mu.

I was initially happy to see the central government finally taking a stand last fall by supporting their own laws forbidding illegal use of arable land. For once, it wasn't just about the money. At the time, I took this as a positive sign that rule-of-law was actually starting to mean something in China.

It's amazing to me how a scarce resource such as arable land could have been so quickly and easily "rezoned" as industrial. Apparently it really was about the money.

Creating 'Chinese' brands now 'part of the deal' for foreign automakers

Last December I wrote about a trend among Chinese-foreign automotive joint ventures in which the foreign partner gives technology to the JV to sell under a Chinese brand. Some of the English language China auto blogs refer to these as "sub-brands."

For example, Honda contributed the design of an outdated City vehicle it no longer makes to its JV with Guangzhou Auto. The JV now sells it under the Chinese brand Linian.

At the time I noticed this trend among several automakers (Guangzhou Honda, Dongfeng Nissan, Shanghai-GM), my assumption was that this was an attempt on the part of the Chinese automakers to wean Chinese consumers away from foreign brands. Chinese consumers still overwhelmingly prefer foreign brands (if they can afford them), because they perceive them to have higher quality.

Now several other foreign automakers including Volkswagen and PSA Peugeot-Citroen are discussing similar arrangements with their Chinese partners. PSA Peugeot-Citroen's CEO told the Financial Times that helping their partner to develop a local brand is now "part of the deal".

Last December I speculated that this may have been under central government coordination, but I had no evidence of that. Today, evidence seems to have surfaced in this report from the Financial Times.

The story quotes Mike Dunne, formerly of JD Power in China, who now has his own consulting company:

Nothing is written down, but when automakers go to apply for capacity expansion, in their application it’s clear that they should have a plan for an indigenous brand with jointly owned product rights and some provision for new energy vehicles. Foreigners want more capacity; China is saying: ‘We want more own brands’.

Back in 2001, when China joined the WTO, they gave up the right to demand technology transfer as a condition for approval of foreign investment. Of course, this new rule did nothing to change China's appetite for foreign technology.

The new demand, rather than for "technology transfer", appears to be: if you want to expand capacity, then X% needs to be devoted to Chinese-branded cars.

The foreign automakers now have a choice. They can pour precious R&D money into joint development of cars that compete directly with their own, or they can just hand over technology they already have.

The technology the foreigners are now handing over may be slightly outdated, so the foreigners aren't being forced to hand over their latest and greatest innovations. But again, it seems to me that these foreign-designed, Chinese-branded cars that the central government is now forcing the JVs to sell will fill the perceived quality gap between Chinese- and foreign-branded cars.

China's central government fully intends that its largest state-owned automakers will be global contenders, and they are patiently finding ways to make that happen. The WTO will not stand in the way. Wherever there's a rule, there's a way around it.

How fragmented is China's auto industry?

For anyone wondering where I've been for the past several months, I've been right here at my desk. But instead of posting to this blog, I've been in a push to complete a full first draft of my dissertation by the end of March -- which is beginning to look like a real possibility.

For now, here's a quick post of some numbers I've been looking at for the past few days on market shares in China's auto industry.

Probably the most consistent component of China's auto policy since the mid-80s has been the insistence of the central government on consolidation in the industry. Just looking at the raw numbers, I think most people would agree that this demand has been completely justified.

In 1978, the year that Deng Xiaoping launched the first experimental market reforms in China, there were 55 auto assemblers. The number peaked at 124 in the mid-90s, and by 2008 (the latest numbers available) there were still 117 -- clearly, way too many.

But just how fragmented is China's auto industry? Here is a quick comparison with the US.

This chart compares cumulative 2010 market shares for the top five auto companies in the US and China.








If China were to take the US as its example, then it would seem to have already achieved a fair amount of consolidation. China’s largest auto group has a slightly larger share of its market than does the largest automaker in the U.S., and the top five in both markets are practically even.

Of course, we already know that the US market is somewhat less concentrated than it used to be. In 1980, for example, the Detroit Three held 76 percent of the US market. But I think few people would argue that less concentration in the US market has not been good for consumers.

So while it would appear that China is starting to see some solid growth out of the players at the top of its auto industry, the problem lies with all of those tiny companies at the bottom that, for some reason, refuse to go away.

Who are these small players? Quite a few are small, locally-owned automakers that lack any kind of scale to be profitable. In any given year, they probably break even on a cash flow basis, which means that the local government is absorbing their cost of capital. If exposed to true market competition, these small firms would quickly disappear.

So why haven't they? Local governments don't want them to. They employ anywhere from a few dozen to maybe even a few hundred local people, and local governments are not inclined to create any more of an unemployment problem than they have to.

Of course, the central government, through the NDRC or MIIT, could force these local enterprises to close, but why would they? The central government is no more interested in putting people out of work than are the local governments.

So if we simply accept that some of these small players are part of a welfare system that keeps people gainfully employed, then China's leaders should at least be satisfied that, at the top of its auto industry, it appears to have the makings of an increasingly strong and competitive industry. Right?

I don't think so, and this next chart reveals why.

Here we have the top five companies in both the US and China along with their respective market shares.









What I notice about this chart is that each of the companies on the US side also corresponds with a brand, but each of the companies on the Chinese side is just a big old state-owned enterprise that assembles cars for foreign companies.

SAIC makes most of its money selling VW and GM cars. Dongfeng sells Nissan and Citroen. FAW sells Toyota and VW. Chang'an sells Ford, Mazda and Suzuki. BAIC sells Hyundai and Mercedes.

Yes, each of these companies also sells some cars under its own brand, but the numbers are comparatively small. Overall, only 30.9 percent of sedans sold in China in 2010 were of local brands -- up only slightly from 30 percent in 2009.

And therein lies the problem. China's central government wants its biggest SOEs to get bigger so that they can compete with the foreign multinationals. For now, they would just like to dominate in their own market, but eventually, they want to compete in overseas markets as well.

The problem is that, while these SOEs are indeed developing their own brands, it's just so easy to sit back and rake in profits while the foreigners contribute all of the intellectual property.

Designing your own stuff is hard.

*UPDATED* - Who is Li Shufu's "Associate"?

UPDATE below...
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From the corporate governance files...

Geely is probably best known as the Chinese auto company that bought Volvo from Ford last year. It is also known as China's largest "private" automaker. I put the term "private" in quotation marks because, in China, the meaning of the word is not quite the same as in most developed countries.

As is generally well-known among China watchers, the government -- particularly local governments -- have influence on private businesses that goes beyond mere regulation. And the larger the "private" business, the greater the government's influence.

At a minimum, the local state is everyone's landlord. At the extreme, a local government can force private businesses to sell out to state owned businesses, as has been done with alarming frequency in the coal industry, or local officials can demand an ownership share.

On the positive side, not all governments necessarily seek to own or control private businesses, and many even provide help to private businesses in startup mode such as tax breaks, free or cheap land and utilities, access to bank loans, etc.

But the question that this kind of help often raises is, what does the government expect in return? Is it enough to be a successful business that employs people and pays its taxes on time, or do local officials expect more?

Because we always hear that Geely is a "private" business, I decided to try to find out exactly how "private" Geely is -- at least in terms of legal ownership. Geely is listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, so its audited financial statements and accompanying notes are made available on the HKSE website. Geely's latest annual report (2009) is available here (pdf).

In an effort to determine who exactly owns Geely, I constructed the following partial org chart from information available in the annual report. The listed company is in the purple box. About 48 percent of the Geely Auto Holdings is held by public shareholders, and the remaining majority of shares are owned by a company named Proper Glory Holdings which is incorporated in the British Virgin Islands.

According to the annual report, Proper Glory is ultimately controlled by Geely's Chairman "Mr. Li Shufu and his associate," but for some reason it does not say who this "associate" is. (Here I am referring to the yellow box at the top of the diagram.)

Looking back over the years, this "associate" did not begin to be mentioned as an owner until 2008, but he, she or it seems to be pretty important. If you do the math, this anonymous "associate" could potentially control up to 35 percent of the listed company. And if "associate" owns as little as 75 percent of Zhejiang Geely Holding Group Ltd, he, she or it would be the listed company's largest single shareholder with a 26 percent interest.

Furthermore, as you can see at the bottom of the org chart, Li Shufu and this mysterious "associate" also own 9% of the auto plants.



I contacted several friends who are even more knowledgeable than I about China's auto industry, and their assumption, like mine, is that Li Shufu controls the company. One suggested, however, that the "associate" may be Li's son or brother. Another speculated that it could even be a Communist Party member to whom Li is beholden for something.

I am not suggesting that there is anything illegal going on here, but it seems to me that Geely's auditor, the Hong Kong office of Grant Thornton (which has recently lost most of its employees to BDO) is not doing a thorough enough job of reporting by allowing a shareholder with the potential to control the company to remain completely anonymous.

If there is nothing to hide, why not reveal the name of the "associate"? At a minimum, why not reveal the respective ownership shares that Li Shufu and "associate" have in Zhejiang Geely Holding Group Ltd?

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UPDATE, January 28, 2011:

Thanks to one of my readers for bringing this to my attention.

Above I said that Li Shufu's unnamed "associate" could control the listed Geely company with 75% ownership of Zhejiang Geely Holding Group Ltd. (ZGHGL). That's not entirely accurate. I was thinking more like an accountant than a lawyer. (And I am neither, though my work previously involved a lot of accounting).

I should have more accurately said that the "associate" could control Geely with only a majority ownership of ZGHGL. If the associate held 50% plus one share of ZGHGL, then he would effectively control Proper Glory, which, because it owns 51.3%, also controls the listed Geely Company.

Again, while my assumption is that Li Shufu is the controlling owner of Geely, until someone reveals how much of ZGHGL the associate owns, we cannot be entirely sure of that.

Subsequent to the above post, I have also received information from someone who knows the identity of the associate. This "associate" is apparently an influential Party member who helped Geely to get central government approval for the Volvo purchase. Unfortunately, I cannot reveal the source, but it is someone whom I trust, and who is in a position to know.

If that is indeed true, then, if I were a Geely shareholder, I would be even more interested to know how much influence and/or control the "associate" actually has.

The missing link in China's auto development?

An interesting article in today’s WSJ by ace China auto reporter Nori Shirouzu summarizes an interesting trend in China’s auto development. China’s state-owned automakers, along with their foreign joint-venture partners, are beginning to develop China-only brands.

Battleground in the small car segment

At least part of the impetus behind this trend, I believe, is the popularity of small economy cars in China. Beginning in early 2009, when China halved the sales tax on cars with engines 1.6 liters or smaller, sales of these small cars have really blossomed. (The number of cars sold in the less than 1.6 liter category rose by 71 percent over 2008 while sales of larger cars rose by only 23 percent.) The tax on smaller cars was increased slightly at the beginning of 2010, but small cars have nevertheless remained hot sellers in China.

The good news for makers of Chinese-branded autos was that the foreigners had almost nothing to offer in the less than 1.6 liter space, so Chinese brands dominated. The bad news for Beijing, however, was that the SOEs also had very little to offer in this space. It was the private automakers (along with independent SOEs such as Chery) that benefited most.

New Strategy: Joint development

Enter this new strategy of jointly-developed, Chinese-branded cars that, nearly as I can tell, is a win-win for the big SOEs and their foreign partners – at least in the short-run.

This strategy appears to have two variations. One is for the Chinese and foreign partner to develop a car together, combining the intellectual property of both sides. SAIC-GM-Wuling have taken this route with the Baojun (pictured below). According to the authoritative China Car Times, “The platform was designed in Korea, whilst the body design was done in China with GM’s help, the brand was developed in China and also the engine was developed by [Shanghai Auto] in the UK technical center.”

The SAIC-GM-Wuling Baojun

Shirouzu’s article today reveals that Volkswagen and PSA Peugeot Citroen are considering a similar strategy.

The other variation is simply to re-badge an older model from the foreign partner. Honda and Nissan are doing this with their respective partners in China, Guangzhou Auto and Dongfeng Auto. Guangzhou-Honda is a new Linian model which is a re-badged Honda City from a few years back, and Dongfeng Nissan are building the Qichen from old Nissan technology.

What's driving this trend?

There are a couple of factors at work behind this trend. First, although China’s central government has been pushing hard for development of Chinese brands since China joined the WTO, only China’s independent automakers (both private and local SOEs without JV partners) have made significant headway in introducing Chinese brands. Yes, the big SOEs have also introduced their own brands, but they have been “developed” mostly through purchased technology. That is, the big SOEs have yet to demonstrate any real engineering prowess.

Second, there is a big gap between the foreign-branded, mid-sized cars sold in China and the small, Chinese-branded cars. It’s a gap in terms of both price and quality, and Chinese consumers understand this very well. This is why, despite the growth of Chinese brands (they now make up over 30 percent of passenger cars sold in China), Chinese consumers would still prefer a foreign brand if they can afford it.

The Missing Link

These new, jointly-developed, Chinese-branded cars are, I believe, the missing link between foreign- and Chinese-branded cars. And the fact that this kind of development is happening in almost all of China’s big SOEs at the same time tells me there is some kind of central coordination going on – either that, or it’s just a big coincidence. Regardless, I think the strategy here is to provide Chinese consumers with a new product intended to wean them away from foreign cars and make them more accepting of Chinese brands.

And, if I am right, this should call into question the future role of foreign automakers in China’s market.

Another interesting wrinkle to this story is of whether Chinese automakers are learning any better how to design their own cars.

What some of these SOEs are doing is simply buying (or being given) old designs by their foreign partners, and then slapping on a Chinese badge. On the other hand, China’s private automakers have essentially been doing that for years ... only, they don’t have foreign partners ... and, um, they don’t pay for the stuff they copy. But in the process, the private automakers have probably gotten better at auto design. Even the process of copying must have imparted to the private firms some useful engineering skills that the SOEs have yet really to develop.

Perhaps this new method of (legally) copying what their foreign partners have already done will impart to SOE engineers some of those same skills.

Let's have more competition!...Just kidding!

An interesting bit of news came across the teletype today. The annual China-Europe Auto Manufacturers' Forum took place toward the end of last month (October 2010). Sometime during the discussion, the Assistant Director of the State Council's think tank, the Development Research Council, made a provocative statement that apparently freaked out a lot of people.

Let the foreigners have more than 50 percent?

The Assistant Director, Professor Liu Shijin, someone whose views on the auto industry are highly respected and influential, suggested that it was about time for China to end its 50 percent ownership restriction on foreign auto companies that invest in China. Currently, China's policy limits foreign auto assembly joint-venture (JV) partners to an ownership stake of 50 percent or less. (This only applies to whole vehicle assembly operations; parts companies may be wholly foreign-owned.)

(A Chinese source for Liu's statement and the controversy that followed may be found here.)

According to a writer for China's "First Finance" website, "the audience members with blonde hair and blue eyes applauded and nodded in agreement, while those with dark hair and dark eyes shook their heads [in disagreement]." I think what the writer intended to convey was that the foreigners in the audience agreed with Liu and the Chinese did not.

No! We're still not ready!

The Chinese arguments against Liu echoed those made prior to China’s joining the WTO: the Chinese auto industry is not yet mature enough to take on the foreigners head-on. If restrictions were lifted, foreigners would completely occupy China’s market to the exclusion of the Chinese manufacturers.

However, there was at least one Chinese auto executive who fully agreed with Liu: Li Shufu, Chairman of Geely. Li was later quoted:

Only complete lifting of the restrictions [on foreign investment] will help the development of the Chinese auto industry. The current policy of the 50 percent limit on foreign investment is disadvantageous; it does not protect the Chinese auto industry at all. On the contrary, it restricts foreign car companies from entering China.

Reflecting a refrain that Li has been preaching for years, he continues to be so confident in his company’s ability to compete with foreign producers (especially now that Geely owns Volvo) that he welcomes increased competition. (Here's a post on this blog from March of 2009 where Li lays out his argument that the private firms will eventually triumph over the SOEs.)

What Li most likely expects is that increased foreign competition within China would more quickly drive out the weaker competitors. That, of course, is anathema to the central government.

Since an overwhelming majority of China’s automakers are state-owned, it logically follows that an overwhelming majority of the weaker players are state-owned. And because the auto industry has been designated as a "pillar" industry since the mid-80s, it just wouldn't do to have an auto industry dominated by foreign and/or private enterprises.

Well, ... nevermind

The interesting news that came across the wires today is that Liu Shijin has now completely backed away from his earlier suggestion: "I never said I support opening up the restrictions on foreign investment."

Setting aside the fact that he clearly said exactly that at the conference, we have to ask why he's now backing down. Either he said something he shouldn't have, and was threatened with punishment if he didn't go to the media and retract what he said, or he was deliberately floating a trial balloon to gauge the reaction.

Knowing that Chinese planners at the NDRC and MIIT are hard at work on the next version of China's auto policy right now, I am leaning toward the latter explanation. And since he's backing away, it seems reasonable to assume that the 50 percent ownership restriction will remain in the next iteration of the auto policy.

Let the flowers bloom!

From an objective point of view (i.e. from someone who has no vested interest in which auto companies succeed) I think this is a mistake, and here's why.

Joint-ventures are notoriously inefficient -- particularly those that attempt to meld vastly different business cultures. Having worked for a 50/50 US-Japanese JV, I have experienced this first hand. When no single owner dominates, everything -- and I mean everything -- has to be negotiated, from corporate strategy to the temperature of the office.

I am not saying that all JVs are, by definition, contentious -- there are exceptions that prove the rule -- but the exceptions are extremely rare.

The original intent of forcing all foreign auto companies into joint-ventures was technology transfer, but over time, it became clear that the foreigners were withholding their best stuff from their Chinese partners. So why didn't the Chinese decide to dispense with the foreigners altogether and just import their cars to reverse-engineer?

Because Chinese consumers love foreign brands. And they love them so much that Chinese-foreign JVs have become cash-cows. National pride runs pretty deep in China, but if there's anything that runs deeper, it's a love of money, and the huge SOEs have become drunk off of cash generated by their partners' foreign-branded cars.

And here's why I think Liu's suggestion was a trial balloon. If the true goal of having foreign partners is no longer tech transfer (though I recognize the ostensible reason is still tech transfer), then why not be willing to take a smaller share of what could become a much larger pie?

Rather than take 50% of the profits of an inherently inefficient JV, why not take 49% of a much more efficient, foreigner dominated JV? And if there are certain things you don't want the foreigners to do with their increased economic control, then just circumscribe those behaviors by law.

If Li Shufu and the handful of China's planners who believe increased competition would more quickly lead to a shaking out and consolidation of China's auto industry are correct, then the quickest way would be to remove the 50 percent restriction. Entering the WTO did not devastate China's auto industry in the way that everyone feared it would. Indeed, it has become even larger and stronger.

No matter how much the SOEs are urged and ordered to be innovative, they will never do anything more than copy what others have already done. The problem is that SOE incentives are political, not economic. SOE leaders are only interested in their next assignment, but private sector leaders don't have a next assignment. They have no choice but to succeed.

If China truly wants a dominant auto industry, it needs to get over its obsession with state ownership and unleash the creativity of its hungry private sector. One way to do that is to open up competition.

In China, not all politics is local

I realize a lot of my posts are about BYD, and I think that attests to the prowess of their PR team and their ability to keep themselves in the news. (One could say the same for Geely.) Today's story, however, is not one that BYD's PR department would have wanted us to know about.

About a week ago the news emerged that BYD was being fined and having some of its factories in Xi’an confiscated as punishment for a land-use violation. This came as a bit of a surprise to me.

First, a little background

In July of 2009 BYD signed an agreement with the Xi’an High Tech Zone to build a factory that would expand production by 200,000 vehicles per year. That same month, two different village governments in Huxian County (in the Xi’an area) appropriated 725 acres of land for BYD’s project, and, according to law, compensated the people who were being moved off the land. As is turns out 91 percent of the land appropriated was arable.

Huxian County then asked the Xi’an city government to approve an expansion of the BYD project land to about 807 acres (90 percent of which would be arable). Xi’an City then passed this request up to the Shaanxi Provincial government who approved the request in November of 2009.

By the following month, BYD had begun construction on seven factory buildings including a dormitory, a mixing plant and surrounding roads on about 121 acres of land, 92 percent of which was arable. (The difference between the acreage being used by BYD and that requested by Huxian County is not immediately apparent.)

All of this came to light in July of 2010 when the Ministry of Land and Natural Resources ordered a halt in construction and launched an investigation into illegal development of arable land.

As I mentioned in an earlier post, the development of arable land has become a serious issue in China, drawing much discussion at the National People’s Congress in March of 2010. The law, as it pertains to this issue, also seems pretty serious: any potential non-farm use of arable land, anywhere in China, must be submitted to China’s State Council (the Cabinet) for approval.

By agreeing to BYD’s use of arable land for factory construction, the Shaanxi Provincial Government was clearly in violation of this law. It had no authority to grant an approval.

BYD, for its part, thought it had covered all its bases. It went to the local government and filed its request, and within a few months, it received the approval it wanted. And this kind of behavior by BYD and local governments was not out of the ordinary.

The Ministry of Land and Natural Resources, however, did not see it that way. It fined BYD nearly $500,000 and confiscated all of its illegally constructed buildings. And since an entire hierarchy of local officials from village to county to city to province had granted approvals, Beijing handed out punishments to them as well, meting out fines, warnings and demerits to 14 officials at various levels.

What this means

The fact that both BYD and local officials were punished was a clear signal from Beijing that this law in particular is not to be broken – killing a few chickens to scare the monkeys. Monkeys all over China are now duly warned.

What initially surprised me upon the announcement of the investigation in July was that the Ministry of Land and Natural Resources (MLNR) would enforce this law against BYD, a company that appeared to be among Beijing’s favorite private companies due to its success in selling low-emission cars and development of new energy vehicles. BYD was even the favored recipient of a loan from Bank of China last December for building a solar plant.

My assumption had been that someone above the MLNR, perhaps in one of the more powerful ministries like MIIT or the NDRC, would trump MLNR’s decision, and BYD would get off lightly. Well, a nearly $500K fine and confiscation of buildings is anything but light. (Fortunately for BYD, they weren’t also forced to restore the land to its pre-construction arable state!)

And this comes at an unfortunate time for BYD whose sales have been dropping. In the summer it announced a significant scaling back in projected sales for 2010 from 800,000 to 600,000. Its F3 (a Toyota Corolla clone) was the best selling sedan in China in 2009, but it wasn’t even among the top-ten sellers last month. Also, for reasons that are not entirely clear, BYD has backed away from its previous intention to introduce its all-electric E6 crossover in California this year.

But BYD’s difficulties are not the most important part of this story. The issue here is that Beijing is getting serious about the use of arable land, and it is sending out the signal that such abuses of the law will no longer be tolerated.

(This is, in my opinion, related to China’s concern for self-sufficiency which borders on paranoia. The apparent fear is that other countries will hoard goods China needs as it may now be doing with the rare earth metals that Japan needs. Perhaps China is not aware that the United States sold grain to the Soviet Union at the height of the Cold War. But I digress…)

Many China-watchers observe local governments getting away with ignoring Beijing’s dictates and assume this means that Beijing is powerless to enforce its will in the provinces. This simply is not true. As this incident demonstrates, even a relatively weak ministry can get its way when it wants to. Just because you can get away with breaking the law today doesn’t mean you can do it tomorrow.

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Chinese sources consulted for this article:

国土资源部公布四起部挂牌督办违法案件处理结果
比亚迪项目违规占地受罚
比亚迪西安违法占地案处理超预期 14名官员被问责

China Auto Mergers: It's a sellers' market...

...and nobody's selling.

An article in today's People's Daily (English) says that the auto industry tops the list of industries in which China's State Council wants to see an acceleration in mergers and acquisitions. The article goes further to say that the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT) is drafting specific policies on mergers due to be released later this year.

The article is right in that consolidation of this industry is much needed. There are currently more than 100 auto assemblers in China, though only the top 20 or so really really count. Still, if China is to develop a globally competitive auto industry, they will need for a lot of the smaller producers to either disappear or be consolidated into larger producers.

If the article is correct, these new policies that MIIT is working on will do something to accelerate M&A in the auto industry. If those new policies are to do anything to accelerate mergers, however, it will require a pretty drastic change in Beijing's behavior.

Ever since China's government began to take notice of its auto industry around the mid-1980s, there has been an increasing desire to make China's industry globally competitive. And part of every auto policy that has been written to date has focused on a need for consolidation. I know this because I've read all of them.

Early on in the reform era, the auto bureaucracy du jour was always well aware of how other countries' auto industries had developed. For example, they knew that, in the early part of the 20th century, the United States also had more than 100 auto companies, and that number had shrunk to about half a dozen by the late 1950s, and only three by the century's end.

As the US has, until recently, been the one market China most wanted to emulate (since the US was, and still is, the world's largest economy), it seems to have made sense to auto planners in Beijing that the route taken by America's "Big 3" should soon be taken by China's largest auto companies.

And until now no matter how strongly the government has stressed the need for consolidation, implementation has always included allowing the market to determine the outcomes -- just as it presumably did in the US. Yet, while there have been a handful of mergers over the past decade (First Auto-Tianjin, Shanghai-Nanjing, Guangzhou-Changfeng, Chang'an-Hafei-Changhe), there have been nowhere nearly the number one might expect if the market were truly determining the outcomes.

Many of China's smallest auto companies continue to soldier on, year-after-year, cranking out a handful of cars. In a true market economy, these would never have survived on their own, yet in China, they do. Why? Because their local governments want them to. They employ people, they pay taxes, and they also very likely give local leaders a few vehicles to drive around every year.

If not for local governments who stand in the way, the market would have indeed taken care of China's fragmented auto industry. There is no lack of desire on the part of the CEOs of large auto groups to buy others; there's simply no desire on the part of small company CEOs and local governments to sell.

So these new policies that MIIT introduces later this year will probably not look much different from those we have seen to date. Beijing will very likely still want the strongest companies to take over the weaker ones. The question is whether Beijing will put any teeth in its policy. Will it change the incentive structures faced by local governments that keep them from supporting consolidation where necessary?

The tradeoffs are pretty clear. The status quo (little consolidation) helps to prevent social instability that could result from closure or merger of less efficient players. On the other hand, significant consolidation would help China's auto industry to become more globally competitive.

Which is really more important to Beijing?

China's MIIT Orders Capacity Cutbacks

According to an announcement on the website of China's Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT), 2,087 companies in 18 industries have been ordered to close outdated, heavily polluting factories by September.

While this sounds like a positive step by a government that values the environment, it also sounds like similar orders that have been given in the past -- long before it was cool to care about climate change. I hate to sound skeptical (and I would like to be wrong about this), but, frankly, I'm not buying it this time either.

The punishments suggested for companies failing to comply are restrictions on access to bank financing and new project approvals. First of all, most of the companies on MIIT's list are small or medium sized enterprises, and many of them are privately owned. These companies never had access to bank lending anyway. Furthermore, because they are so small, their approval processes -- if indeed there were any -- most likely never went further than their local governments.

In addition, local governments are still heavily incentivized on two very measurable criteria: social stability and economic growth. Closing local businesses is unlikely to help their job performance measurement under either criterion.

While local governments will, of course, have to be seen to follow central government orders, it's not hard to imagine that local authorities are already working with the owners of these businesses (which in many cases are the local governments themselves!) to find a way around Beijing's dictates.

Ultimately, Beijing sees great opportunity in the climate change movement. But contrary to outward appearances, the opportunity for China lies, not in cleaning up its environment, but in selling related technologies to foreigners.

Clean technology will be expensive, and a country facing a demographic time bomb in a decade or so cannot afford to waste a single percentage point in GDP growth to clean up its environment. China will, however, be more than happy to sell the necessary technology to those countries that are already on the bandwagon.

More Local "New Energy" Vehicle Subsidies

In addition to the central government's subsidies for new energy vehicles in China, two more local governments have announced their own subsidy plans.

Shanghai is planning subsidies of 40,000 to 60,000 yuan for individual buyers of plug-in hybrid or electric vehicles, and the city of Changchun, along with Jilin Province, is also planning a subsidy of about 40,000 yuan.

Shanghai is the home of Shanghai Automotive which owns the MG and Roewe brands (bought from the UK) and has joint ventures with both Volkswagen and General Motors. Changchun is the home of First Auto Works, a centrally-owned company that has joint ventures with Volkswagen, Toyota and Mazda, and is producing some of its own-branded vehicles as well.

Shanghai and Changchun join Shenzhen which earlier announced it would provide new energy vehicle subsidies.

These are the subsidies available so far. ($1 = 6.8 RMB)



People buying pure electric vehicles in Shenzhen could get a subsidy of up to 120,000 RMB ($17,600). That approaches half the cost of an electric vehicle.

Now, if only they can find a place to plug it in...

BYD Between a Rock and a Hard Place

The multinationals think they have it hard? It seems that one of China's rising stars of the auto world, BYD, has run afoul of the authorities in Beijing.

BYD, a Hong Kong listed automaker based across the border in Shenzhen, has aims of becoming bigger than Toyota someday, but in the short term at least, they may have to scale back their expectations. At the beginning of this month BYD broke ground on its second factory in the city of Xi'an. This new 5 billion yuan factory, due to open in 2011, has a projected capacity of 400,000 cars a year.

Yesterday, BYD was ordered by the central Ministry of Land and Resources to halt construction of its new factory because of a "land use violation". The Ministry's announcement gave no further specifics as to the nature of the violation. In its defense, BYD said that it had conducted due diligence and obtained the necessary approvals from local government. So it would appear that the violation has been committed not by BYD, but by the local government.

Perhaps the violation comes as Beijing has stepped up its enforcement of land use policies. There was much talk during this year's National People's Congress of the need to prevent local governments from appropriating farmland to sell to developers, a situation that has led to much social unrest in recent years. Regardless, BYD has become yet another victim of the vagaries of doing business in China.

Until now, the conventional (yet somehow simultaneously unorthodox) wisdom has been for foreign companies to worry more about local governments when setting up their businesses in China. Just because you got approval from someone in Beijing didn't mean that all problems were solved. Local governments are the ones with the real power to make or break your business, and "as everyone in China knows" the central government devolved a lot of their powers to the local governments back in the 1980s.

So which governments should you be worried about? Perhaps the received wisdom (conventional or unorthodox, or whatever you want to call it) needs to be revisited. The real answer is, you need to worry about both.

Shenzhen Subsidies, US-China Acquisition, EV Policy

Three important stories in the China electric vehicle world. The first one is a Local BizGov story...

Shenzhen's new EV subsidies

A little over a month ago, Beijing announced a pilot plan for new energy vehicle subsidies in five Chinese cities, one of which is Shenzhen. In short, the plan calls for subsidies of up to 50,000 yuan for plug-in hybrids and up to 60,000 yuan for pure electric vehicles.

Shenzhen, home of battery and auto manufacturer BYD, has also announced its own subsidies to be added to those from Beijing. Shenzhen will provided subsidies of up to 30,000 yuan for plug-in hybrids and up to 60,000 yuan for pure electrics.

With total subsidies of up to 80,000 yuan ($11,800) for a plug-in hybrid or 120,000 yuan ($17,700) for a pure electric vehicle, these still experimental cars are reaching a price point where early adopters in China would be willing to consider them.

And Shenzhen wins brownie points: from Beijing for supporting low- or zero-emission vehicles, and from BYD who will, it is hoped, build more cars, employ more people and pay more taxes.

If there is another city in the world where new energy vehicles are more affordable than they are in Shenzhen, I am not aware of it.

US-China Acquisition

Santa Rosa, California based ZAP Motors (a company you've probably never heard of) has just signed an agreement to acquire 51 percent of Taizhou based Zhejiang Jonway Automobile for about $28 million in cash.

Yes, you read that right. This is not a joint venture; it's an acquisition.

ZAP, which has been in operation since 1994, has, until recently made electric vehicles designed for off-road use in such places as airports, military bases, large factories, etc. It gained some recognition by showing this futuristic electric car, the Alias at Beijing's Auto Show a few months ago.


And this is no mere concept car. Apparently ZAP had already (pre-acquisition) contracted with Jonway Auto to build the Alias with current plans to introduce it in the US later in 2010.

Jonway Auto is (or will be until this acquisition takes place) owned by Jonway Group which manufactures cars and motorcycles. I am unable to determine who owns Jonway Group, but due to its location in Taizhou, I think it is a pretty good bet that the company is private. And the fact that a foreign company is about to buy a majority stake in one of its subsidiaries is also a good indication that Jonway is most likely not state-owned. (Then again, the difference between public and private is still quite blurry in China.)

Even more interesting is the fact that Jonway has been quite profitable while ZAP, which reportedly hasn't earned a profit since 2002, has only recently emerged from bankruptcy.

On second thought, I'm quite certain Jonway isn't state-owned.

China's new energy vehicle policy is on the way

And finally, Dong Yang, secretary general of the China Association of Automobile Manufacturers announced that a policy on new energy vehicles is in the works and will probably be released in September or October.

About those subsidies I mentioned above, well, China is apparently just getting started. We can expect to see a more comprehensive plan laid out this fall with details on how China intends to dominate this space -- globally. Among other things we can probably expect to see further incentives for auto companies to conduct R&D in this area and further plans for rollout of charging stations.

The lines are being drawn In the global battle to dominate alternative energy vehicle manufacturing. We could not ask for a better real-life experiment to compare the results of state-led vs market-led capitalism.